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 24 Oct 2009 @ 11:20 PM 

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ARF Unveils Roadmap to Regime Change in Armenia

ARF Supreme Council of Armenia Chairman Armen Rustamian

YEREVAN—The Armenian Revolutionary Federation unveiled on Friday a detailed plan, which it called a “roadmap to regime change”, saying that for Armenia to persevere and survive, fundamental changes are needed to its socio-economic, political, and governmental structures to ensure the pursuit of a national agenda.

Speaking at a press conference on Friday, ARF Supreme Council of Armenia chairman Armen Rustamian introduced the plan, which provides guidelines of dealing with issues as varied as the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Genocide recognition and reforms in social, electoral and economic structures.

“We are preparing for regime change,” declared Rustamian. “Regime change has a broader meaning than a resignation demand. The country has deviated from its course and everything must be changed: the president, the National Assembly, the government and all those who deal with the Turkish-Armenian protocols.”

Taking into consideration the imperative to confront the foreign and domestic challenges and dangers that have arisen as a result of the current situation, the ARF Supreme Council of
Armenia has come forth with this blueprint as priorities for its political agenda.

The plan addresses reforms and fundamental changes in the three realms: national, socio-economic and political.

National Priorities

In the national realm, the party is emphasizing the importance of strategic principles aimed at resolving several issues of pan-national importance. They are: the Karabakh issue, Armenia-Turkey relations, Javakhk’s plight, Diaspora relations, and the general demands and guidelines for the realization of Armenia’s foreign policy.

It is the ARF’s belief that the approach to the conflict with Armenia should be based on the following principles:

1. Compromises by the Armenian side (Armenia-Karabakh) cannot retreat from the will of the people of Karabakh as expressed in the declaration of independence in 1991 and the 2006 Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Constitutional referendum.

2. Karabakh, as the main and sole party to the conflict, must be recognized as an equal party to the negotiations, while Armenia must be recognized and be viewed as the guarantor of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s independence and national security.

3. Strengthen and pursue the international recognition of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic within the foreign policy agenda.

The prerequisites for normalizing relations with Turkey should be based on its willingness to recognize the Armenian Genocide and make reparations for the crime. The only compromise should be the start of negotiations without any preconditions.

1. The end to the land blockade and the establishment of diplomatic relations based international norms and law, without preconditions, should be accepted as a natural starting point for negotiations. Armenia’s foreign policy should exercise imperative mechanisms to oppose the Turkish-Azeri anti-Armenian policies.

2. The ARF’s Armenia body finds completely justified the aspirations of the Armenian population of Javakhk to press for their rights constituted by international requirements accepted by Georgia, all the way to calling for autonomy.

Armenia, Artsakh and the Diaspora are a collective organism of a united Armenian nation. Thus, advantageous conditions should be created for the realization of dual citizenship, repatriation and programs for resettlement of Karabakh. One of the priorities of the party is the development of a foreign policy doctrine based on strengthening the security and self-government of Armenians.

Socio-Economic Priorities

The ARF’s conviction is domestic stability is based on social justice and freedom. As such, the government’s role as an initiator and administrator must be reorganized through the establishment of a social government, which guarantees the creation and just distribution of wealth. The following are the main targets:

1. Taking responsibility for and executing the government’s social requirements based on relevant international agreements; especially:

  • Elimination of poverty
  • Creation of a public housing fund
  • Establishment of structures to ensure and promote continuous childbirth
  • Radical reforms in healthcare
  • Guarantee public education based on national values and international standards
  • Creation of a market economy based on average European standards

2. Establishing economic structure based on security, enhancement of local production, trade incentives and competition.

Political-Societal Priorities

The main objectives for the elimination of plutocracy—oligarchy—in the country and stabilizing democracy are:

Structural and constitutional-legal reforms; advantageous climate for democratization; and the creation of a political and electoral infrastructure that guarantees the active participation of opposition.

The ARF of Armenia will base all of its activities on the aforementioned program

The First Fruits of the Protocols

BY ARA PAPIAN

Apologists for the Armenia-Turkey protocols denied all the warnings that there would be negative effects on the Armenian Genocide recognition process, while I, alongwith many others, foresaw that negative consequences would manifest themselves even in those countries that have already recognized the Armenian Genocide. Unfortunately, that turned out to be the case.

Example:
Canada is one of those few countries where both the parliament (in 2002 and 2004), as well as the cabinet (in 2006) have recognized the Armenian Genocide. Consequently, since 2004, no self-respecting member of the media would ever publish or broadcast any article or program denying the Armenian Genocide. Moreover, when, in February of 2006, as a reaction to my mentioning the Armenian Genocide as part of a farewell interview to the influential Embassy magazine, the ambassadors of Turkey and Azerbaijan complained, the editor of that periodical responded, without any intervention on my part, that, “the fact of the genocide cannot be disputed, as it is not subject to any doubts”. Clear and precise.

And what do we have now? Only ten days after signing the protocols, the very same Embassy magazine (on the 21st of October, 2009) published an article by Gwynne Dyer, where it is said that, “the Armenians back home have made a deal … [which] create a joint historical commission to determine what actually happened in 1915”. The author’s concluding remarks of the article state that, “It was not a genocide…”. And this in Canada, which has recognised the Armenian Genocide. As people on the streets say, we have messed with Canada, and she will not forgive us. People don’t forgive those who mess around with them, even in international relations.

And now for yet another prediction. After the protocols get ratified (God forbid), it would mean legally doubting the Armenian Genocide (please save your arguments for the Canadian courts), upon which the Canadian courts will be filled with applications against the prior governmental declarations for having “insulted honour and dignity”, seeing as we have insulted the Turkish state – and, of course, Canadian citizens of Turkish descent – in a yet-to-be-proven crime (genocide), subject to discussion by some sub-commission.
Since the Canadian court system provides for monetary compensation with regards to moral damages, I would therefore like to call for an extra line in next year’s state budget of the Republic of Armenia, of a few hundred million dollars (nothing less), to pay for moral damages. Ultimately, we are the ones who are going to billed for these complaints.

Not Even a Handshake to Seal the Deal

By Pattyl Aposhian-Kasparian on Oct 19th, 2009

Just recently, in an article written by Nancy Gibbs in Time Magazine, the following was written about Obama’s Nobel Prize… “By now there are surely more callouses on his lips than his hands.” Unfortunately, the same is true for President Sargsyan.  The power of a promise is strong, but to a wounded nation, a promise means nothing.

In the days following the four-hour long, closed-door meeting with President Serzh Sarkisian, family and friends asked the same question over and over again, “Is he really going to sign?” Well, we got our answer Saturday morning.

When President Serzh Sarkisian visited Los Angeles, he met with 60 community representatives at the Beverly Hilton Hotel in Beverly Hills.  Inside the meeting, Serzh Sarkisian and his administration met with various organizations for an exchange of ideas and views surrounding the Protocols… or so we thought!

I was the youngest in the room and in many ways the most inexperienced and most naïve. Yet, none of that mattered.  I don’t think any schooling, experience or credentials of sorts could have prepared anyone for the tense and demoralizing meeting which took place.

Allow me to share my thoughts which may be very different from the others in the room.

The President began the meeting late.  Sources outside, attending the protest, reported that President Sarkisian peeked out of his Presidential Suite balcony several times before entering the meeting room at 4:25 p.m.  The meeting was scheduled to begin at 4 p.m. All attendees first had to pass through metal detectors.

He started the meeting with brief remarks and suggested that we allow the meeting to serve as a question and answer session following by closing remarks.  The group agreed.  Harut Sassounian asked the first question.  He stressed his opposition to the Protocols and emphasized the important reasons behind his opposition. He spoke freely and respectively and the President responded back to Sassounian’s questions in great detail.

I followed with my questions/remarks a few moments later.

Pattyl Aposhian Kasparian: “Although not spelled out, the historic clause inclusion is directed toward the Armenian Genocide. Hence, our outrage.  Over 20 countries have recognized the Armenian Genocide as an indisputable fact and the International Association of Genocide Scholars have stated without reservation that the Armenians were subject to genocide.  Why would we turn a political controversy into a historical one?

President Sarkisian: (my written notes through English translation to the best of my note-taking capabilities) It is not the case for us to turn politics into history. Turkey was pressing for this commission for years and we’ve said no.  Now, it’s on our terms. My priority is to have Turkey recognize the Genocide. Getting our land back from Turkey is not realistic. The Turks might try to maneuver around the historic commission but we would never agree to it.  We can raise an issue as to the consequences. By establishing relations with Turkey we are not casting doubt on Genocide or striking a blow to the International campaign.  We have not ever cast doubt on Genocide.  The sub-committee will never discuss that Genocide took place as it is not up for discussion.

Pattyl Aposhian Kasparian: The timing of this trip is disheartening as you have made the Diaspora feel trivial, insignificant and invisible.  As you witness the obvious and open disagreements to the Protocol with more than 10,000 protestors outside, what actions will you take to address this extensive opposition and when?

President Sarkisian: I don’t think 10,000 protesters is an argument.  It just shows that the organizers know how to organize a protest.  I too, can organize a rally with 10,000 supporters of the Protocol. We are here to consult the Diaspora, not to be compelled or be intimidated.  I’m not here for your vote. I do not want to undermine the resources of the Diaspora. I consider the Diaspora very vital, but I am not here to be intimidated either.

Pattyl Aposhian Kasparian: Third, what guarantee can you provide for economic prosperity when Ambassador Yovanovitch herself stated that open borders will only produce a 1 to 3 percent growth in the next 15 years annually?  Additional reports indicate that open borders will penetrate the Armenian marketplace with Turkish products which will lead to increased levels of unemployment and poverty.  Is this marginal increase worth signing our history away for?

President Sarkisian: Our purpose is not an economic one. I am unaware of any of these statistics that you have mentioned. Since when did America’s Ambassador become a researcher?  Research can serve any one’s purpose and I have research that indicated otherwise.

I continued with the following closing remarks.

“Mr. President. We stand united for open trade between Armenia and Turkey as well as the establishment of diplomatic relations.  What divides us is when historical injustice and threats to the future of our nation are covered up because of special interests and peer pressure.

We are not the little, powerless, and unknown nation anymore. We are strong. We are educated. We are empowered. We do not need to fall victim to pressure.

Mr. President. I truly believe that you have Armenia’s best interest at heart.  Allow this trip to serve as your exit strategy.  Use the Diaspora as your scapegoat.  Blame us.  Allow Armenia to show its unique strength— not defined by the state’s power, but the people’s power.

Grab this opportunity.  It is only when the Diaspora is fully incorporated into the decision-making fiber of Armenia that we as a country can move forward.”

Hours went by.  More than twenty individuals in the room spoke in opposition to the Protocol as it currently stands.  He responded to every question.  He spoke calmly at times and restlessly at others.  Several individuals asked questions about the historic commission clause, open borders and the ever-so-veiled Karabakh reference.  At times, he impatiently responded, “I’ve already answered that question.”  I wanted to scream… “But Mr. President, we don’t accept your answer. Don’t you realize that by re-asking the question, we are voicing our opposition and concern?”

You can say that the sky is purple 1000 times, but we don’t have to believe it.  Sitting in that room, we had one objective—to urge the President not to sign the Protocols as is.
The opposition continued. Hovan Tashjian spoke on behalf of the A.R.F.  Steve Dadaian spoke on behalf of the A.N.C.  Dikran Babikian spoke on behalf of Hamazkayin and Sona Madarian spoke on behalf of A.R.S.

Archbishop Moushegh Mardirossian voiced his concern over the protocols, too.  Very respectfully but also very directly, Archbishop Mardirossian encouraged President Sargsyan to speak to the people.  Item by item, he addressed the many concerns of his flock.

I couldn’t help it. Although I had used my allotted time, I spoke again.

Pattyl Aposhian Kasparian: Mr. President. You suggested that we open new fronts with Turkey to achieve Turkey’s recognition of GENOCIDE rather than that of 1, 2, or 3 additional countries. What if we want both? Please serve as our advisor and provide the Diaspora with guidance as to what you believe the Diaspora can do to help advance Hai Tahd?

President Sarkisian: Young Lady, do not give up hope.  It won’t be tomorrow or a year from now or even three years from now, but one day, Turkey will recognize the Armenian Genocide.

Arkady Ghoukassian, former President of Artsakh, took a few moments to answer my question in his closing remarks.  He noted, “The Diaspora and Armenia must work towards a common goal, common agenda. As Armenians in the Diaspora, we call on you to help our motherland.  We turn to you to point out our shortcomings.  We want you to fight. We want you to continue voicing concern. But don’t look for enemies in our lines and forces.”

“I too see shortcoming in these protocols,” added Ghoukassian.  “However, we have to work together to fully employ the Diaspora and have better results.  We have to trust our powers.  If we live on as victims, we will never success.  Just remember Artsakh.”

I left the meeting feeling hopeless.  President Sarkisian’s message was clear.  He will move forward.  He believes that Armenia will walk away with the winning pot.  Yet…But…However!  As a human being, man to man, I was devastated that I was not able to look President Serzh Sarkisian in the eye and allow him to see my frustration– my pain– my distrust. He didn’t even seal the deal with a handshake. He walked out of the room as quickly as he had entered.

During his entire world tour, not once, did President Sarkisian address or even acknowledge the thousands and thousands of people gathered together to protest the Protocols.  The Armenian people are those who were out there opposing the Protocols.  The Armenian people are not the few organizations who claim to lead the Diaspora by voicing support on letterhead.

The true voice of the Diaspora spoke.  They spoke in numbers. They spoke through tears. They spoke through hunger strikes all over the world.  Mr. President. Did you listen? Are you listening?

Are we expected to go on a “gentlemen’s promise?  We are expected to walk in blindly and trust Mr. Sarkisian because he is the President of the Republic of Armenia? Let’s take things at face value. What he said (above) and what is written in print (Protocol) does not match up.  We have to believe what we read on print—what is legally binding. We need something tangible. We need something MORE than lip service.

Now, it’s the same opposition, but a new audience.  Now, it’s up to the Parliament to hear our concerns and oppositions.  It’s up to the Parliament to understand that the ratification of the Protocols affects our country, our history, our people and our future.

I hope the Diaspora’s opposition will provide the Parliament with more power and new muscle.  The voice of the Diaspora serves as a humble, but powerful resource.  Our voice is strong and pure and it is only a matter of time that the Parliament will stand strong and oppose the Protocols.

To all our brothers and sisters in Yerevan, let the voice and the heart of the Diaspora be with you!

President Sargsyan’s address on the occasion of signing of the protocols

The President of the Republic of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan, issued an address to the nation on the occasion of signing of the protocols between Armenia and Turkey. The President said, in part

Dear compatriots,

Over the past few weeks the attention of Armenia and all Armenians has been focused on the current process of normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations and the two pre-signed protocols. All parts and layers of the Armenian nation responded to the call to publicly discuss the documents and got involved in the debates.

Today we are trying to normalize relations with a country, which carried out a policy of annihilation of our nation during the Ottoman rule. The wounds of genocide do not cicatrize. The memories of the victims and the future of our generations demand that we have a stable and strong statehood, a powerful and prospering country, a motherland of our dreams. We consider that one of the most important steps on this way is the establishment of normal ties with all neighbors, including Turkey.

Independence demands will and resoluteness to take important decisions requires realism and a consistent work. This is the path I have chosen. I have chosen it with a deep feeling of responsibility and a great faith in the future of our people.

There is no alternative to the establishment of relations with Turkey without preconditions. It is the imperative of time. It’s not this necessity that has given way to a variety of opinions. The concerns of separate individuals and political forces are connected with different comments on some provisions of the protocols to be signed and the historical mistrust in Turkey.

Having realistically assessed this factor, and being confident in the necessity and correctness of the steps taken, I reiterate that:

1. Any relation with Turkey cannot call into question the fact of the genocide of the Armenian people. This is a well-known fact, which should be recognized and condemned by all humanity. The corresponding sub-commission of the intergovernmental commission is not a commission of historians.

2. The issue of borders between Armenia and Turkey is a question to be solved in line with international law. The protocols do not provide for more than this.

3. These relations are in no way connected and cannot be connected with the settlement of the Karabakh issue, which is an independent and separate process. Armenia does not view the issues of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders as a remark connected with the Karabakh issue.

4. The delay of the ratification of the protocols by Turkey or the possible suggestion of new conditions of ratification will face a corresponding attitude of the Armenian side. Armenia does not assume any unilateral commitment under these protocols. Armenia signs these protocols with a view of establishing normal relations between the two countries. Therefore, if Turkey fails to ratify the protocols within a reasonable timeframe or to accomplish its provisions in due time, Armenia will undertake corresponding measures in accordance with international law.

Following the signing of the protocols, we’ll enter the stages of their ratification and implementation. All the concerns and possible risks that were brought about during the discussions will be necessarily taken into consideration, and we must be able to prevent any development countering the national objectives. I’m more than confident today that we’ll be able to do that. We’ll do it together. Today we are not the same as a few months ago. This is already a fact.

I believe in the wisdom of our people. I believe that together we’ll inherit a thriving and peaceful motherland to our generations. I’m sure this is going to be the case.

God bless us!’


NINE ACTIONS ARMENIA MUST TAKE BEFORE RATIFYING THE PROTOCOLS

By Harut Sassounian – Publisher, The California Courier

The very first step in attempting to “normalize” relations between Armenia and Turkey — signing the Protocols in Zurich on October 10 — was nearly aborted when the Foreign Ministers of both countries objected to the statements that each had prepared for delivery following the signing ceremony.
Since both parties had the right to review in advance each other’s closing statements, the Armenian Foreign Minister complained that the Turkish side planned to raise unacceptable issues on Karabagh (Artsakh) and the historical commission. For his part, the Turkish Foreign Minister objected to his Armenian counterpart’s attempt to assert that the establishment of relations between the two countries was not based on “any preconditions.”

After more than 3-hours of intense back and forth, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, and other high-ranking officials, succeeded in pressuring the Armenian and Turkish Foreign Ministers into signing the Protocols, without making closing statements.

Despite the massive outpouring of Armenian sentiment, accusing Armenia’s leadership of making unacceptable concessions, Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian went ahead and signed the Protocols in Zurich.

The signed Protocols are now to be submitted to the Armenian and Turkish Parliaments for ratification. Before this final step, however, the Armenian side should consider taking the following nine actions in order to minimize the damage the Protocols would cause to Armenian interests:

1) A non-governmental organization or an opposition political party should file a lawsuit with Armenia’s Constitutional Court, challenging the constitutionality of the Protocols. This initiative would be separate from the legal requirement that the Constitutional Court pronounce judgment on whether a particular international agreement is in line with Armenia’s Constitution.

2) Before taking up these Protocols, the Armenian Parliament should wait and see if its Turkish counterpart will ratify them first.

3) If the Turkish Parliament fails to ratify the Protocols “in a reasonable timeframe,” the Armenian government should declare them to be null and void.

4) The Armenian Parliament should not ratify the Protocols, if the Turkish Parliament attaches any reservations or provisions at the time of ratification.

5) The Armenian government should withdraw the Protocols from parliamentary consideration, if the Turkish Parliament links its ratification to unrelated issues, such as the Artsakh negotiations or the Armenian Genocide.

6) The Armenian Parliament should add a provision to the Protocols, stating that they would be considered null and void, if after ratification Turkey does not open the border with Armenia within the stipulated 60-day timeframe or if it closes the border after opening it. In fact, Pres. Sargsyan committed himself to adding such a provision, in response to a suggestion I made during his meeting with Armenian-American leaders in Los Angeles on October 4.

7) The Armenian Parliament, before ratifying the Protocols, should pass a law making it illegal for any governmental entity or agency to participate in any effort that questions the truth of the Armenian Genocide. This law would counter declarations made by Turkish leaders and others that the historical sub-commission mentioned in the Protocols would re-examine the facts of the Armenian Genocide.

8) The Armenian Parliament should make it illegal for any Armenian official to negotiate, sign or approve any territorial concessions regarding Artsakh. This would shut the door firmly on repeated Turkish demands for Armenian concessions on Artsakh, prior to the ratification of the Protocols.

9) The Armenian Parliament should declare the Treaty of Kars, signed under duress by the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, to be null and void. Once the Treaty of Kars is annulled, the reference in the Protocols to relevant international treaties defining the existing Armenian-Turkish border would no longer be valid and therefore, would not preclude future Armenian territorial demands from Turkey.

It is imperative that the Armenian authorities implement the foregoing steps, because merely providing verbal explanations in defense of the Protocols would not eliminate their detrimental effects.

Since Armenia’s leaders are unwilling or unable to renegotiate and amend these Protocols, due to the international pressure brought to bear on them — as seen during the Zurich spectacle — the least they should do is to take actions that would limit the damage to Armenia’s national interests.

Children of Armenia: A Forgotten Genocide and the long Struggle for Justice

The Center for Armenian Remembrance (C.A.R.) would like to bring to your attention the publication of a new book titled Children of Armenia: A Forgotten Genocide and the Century-long Struggle for Justice by Michael Bobelian. It is published by Simon and Schuster and was released on September 1, 2009. Please read the information below.

About the Author:

Michael Bobelian, a graduate of the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism, is a lawyer, journalist, and grandson of Genocide survivors. His work has appeared in Forbes.com, American Lawyer, and Legal Affairs magazine and has been featured on NPR’s Leonard Lopate show. He resides in New York City with his wife and daughter.

Synopsis:

From 1915 to 1923, the ruling Ottoman Empire drove 2 million Armenians from their ancestral homeland, during which 1.5 million of them were viciously slaughtered. While there was an initial global outcry and a movement led by Woodrow Wilson to aid the “starving Armenians,” the promise to hold the perpetrators accountable was never fulfilled and a curtain of silence soon descended on one of the worst crimes of modern history. Now, almost a century later, the Armenians are still fighting for justice.

After uncovering his family’s experiences during the Genocide, Michael Bobelian struggled to rationalize how an event as widely reported as the Genocide–more than a hundred articles ran in The New York Times in 1915, with a typical headline exclaiming “Wholesale Massacres of Armenians by Turks”–could fade from public consciousness. Why was the Genocide ignored, forgotten, and, worse, relegated to fiction for so long? What role did America’s national self-interest play in helping Turkey evade public accountability? Why did Armenians themselves initially stand silent? Based on years of archival research and personal interviews, Children of Armenia is the first book to trace this post-Genocide history and reveal the events that have conspired to eradicate the “hidden holocaust” from the world’s memory.
For book signing dates or for more information about the book, please visit:

To purchase the book, please visit the following websites:

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